Violence against children and women

UNICEF, UNFPA, and UN WOMEN partnered on a regional, multi-country initiative in Cambodia, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines and Viet Nam to explore opportunities and challenges for better coordination, integration and collaboration for violence against women and violence against children, action plans, programmes and services, focusing on violence that occurs within spaces and relationships of trust.

(8 April 2021) There is growing global recognition of the intersections between violence against women and violence against children. Currently there is insufficient interaction between these fields, and evidence on interventions to address these linkages is limited. It is vital to identify knowledge/evidence gaps to address the intersections of these two forms of violence in order to strengthen prevention and response programming to achieve the best outcomes for both women and children.

UNICEF Child Protection and Gender Sections in collaboration with Office of Research-Innocenti published this paper on Gender Dimensions of Violence Against Children and Adolescents. This paper examines how and why UNICEF and international partners should pay greater attention to gender dimensions of violence against children and adolescents, including drivers of violence and opportunities for more effective violence prevention and response.

UNICEF Innocenti collaborated with the UN Special Rapporteur on the sale and sexual exploitation of children, to reflect on the current state of play of this problem, its root causes and new manifestations, as well as the relevance and the impact of interventions to eliminate this crime.

Despite the identification of cash transfers as a promising evidence-informed strategy to address violence against children (VAC) and violence against women (VAW) – until recently, there was little evidence from low- and middle-income country settings (LMICs), that assessed the effects of such interventions on both in the same study. Yet, cash transfers and broader forms of social protection have potential to address both forms of violence through shared risk factors, including reductions in poverty and economic stress, or through complementary ‘plus’ programming targeting risk factors related to conflict in the home or violence norms (see reviews on VAC and IPV).   In this blog, we summarize five studies completed in the last two years that examine impacts of cash, cash-for-work and cash plus programmes on both violent discipline of children and male intimate partner violence against women (IPV) from diverse LMICs – Bangladesh, Colombia, Mali, the Philippines and Rwanda. We include both studies evaluating the effects of cash alone, cash plus programming, as well as those that evaluate just the impacts of the ‘plus’. We focus on studies that were rigorously designed and measured violent discipline and IPV in the same household (rather than those focused on violence against adolescent girls, which might fall in the nexus of both categories of violence). To our knowledge, with the exception of a previous study in Mexico (from 2013), these 5 studies are the only available publications from LMICs examining both types of violence in the same evaluation. We also offer key take away messages and suggest areas for future research.     Bangladesh: An experimental study examined post-intervention effects of the Transfer Modality Research Initiative pilot, implemented in rural areas over 24 months by the World Food Programme. The intervention provided both transfers (cash and food), as well as a group-based nutrition behavior change (BCC) intervention to women with young children living in poor households. The evaluation found reductions in physical IPV of 26% among women in the cash plus BCC arm, however no impacts in the transfer only arm (and no impacts on emotional IPV). In addition, the authors examine two indicators of physical violent discipline from parents taken from the HOME inventory (whether mothers had hit the child during the week prior to the study and if parents react with physical discipline if they are hit by the child). The study found reductions of 25% to 38% across violent discipline indicators, again in the cash plus BCC arm (8 to 12 percentage points [pp]- reported in the online appendix). The author’s examination of mechanisms for IPV suggests that reductions in poverty-related stress, and increases in household economic status, which were larger in the BCC arm, may be a possible joint pathway for reductions in both violence measures (Roy et al. 2019 in the Review of Economics and Statistics).   Colombia: A quasi-experimental study of the government’s conditional cash transfer program targeted to poor households with school-aged children, Familias en Acción, used variation in the timing of bi-monthly payments at the municipality level paired with municipality-level administrative data on reported levels of violence from health and legal services. The authors show that rates of overall domestic violence, as well as rates of IPV from administrative data reported to health and justice systems, decrease by 6% in payment months. In contrast, there are no changes in reported domestic violence specifically against minors. Authors also show that household spending is higher in payment months—suggesting a poverty and stress reduction mechanism achieved via higher consumption expenditures (Camacho & Rodriguez 2020 in the CEDE Working Paper series)   Mali: An experimental study of the government’s Jigisémèjiri program, an unconditional quarterly cash transfer given primarily to male heads of household found decreases in IPV after 24-months. These decreases were concentrated in polygamous households (making up 40% of the sample), where reductions were found for controlling behaviors (23% or 16 pp), emotional IPV (37% or 13 pp) and physical IPV (40% or 7 pp). The study also reported on VAC among a target child aged 2 to 4 years old using the UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey measures – showing similar trends as for IPV. Measures of psychological aggression against children were insignificant in the full sample, however physical punishment and number of total acts showed reductions—which increased in magnitude and significance among the polygamous households (showing decreases in psychological aggression of 16% or 11 pps and in physical punishment of 20% or 17 pps). Key mechanisms underlying impacts were reductions in men’s stress and anxiety, as well as in reported household disputes (Heath et al. 2020 in the Journal of Development Economics).   The Philippines: An experimental study of a locally-adapted 12-session group-based parenting program (Masayang Pamilya Para Sa Batang Pilipino – or MaPa) layered on the government flagship conditional cash transfer (Pantawid Pamilya Pilipino Programme) reported impacts at program end and 12-months post program. The evaluated intervention reached female caregivers of children aged 2 to 6 years in low-income families in urban Manila. The evaluation found reductions in incidence and frequency of child maltreatment at both follow-up waves, measuring using the ISPCAN Child Abuse Screening tool (e.g. a 49% reduced risk of physical abuse at post-intervention and a 48% reduced risk of neglect). For IPV, risk reductions at program end were 63% and at 12 months post-intervention were 49%. Possible common mechanisms of impact were those reducing overall incidence of family conflict and stress, increased caregiver efficacy and confidence when dealing with male spouses, fewer daily child behavior problems, and lower parenting dysfunction, among others (Lachman et al. 2021 in The Lancet Regional Health – Western Pacific).   Rwanda: An experimental study examined the impacts of the Sugira Muryango program – a home-visiting-based parenting intervention – layered on a government flagship social protection program ‘Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme’ targeting poor households with direct cash support and public works. Sugira Muryango included 12 sessions delivered over 3 months by community-based coaches promoting early childhood development (ECD) and preventing family violence. The study examined outcomes at 12-months post-intervention, showing reductions in female caregiver reports of IPV experience (IRR=0.616, 95% CI 0.458 to 0.828) as well as VAC as measured by harsh parenting using the UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey measures (IRR=0.741, 95% CI 0.657 to 0.835). However, no significant impact was shown on male caregiver report of IPV perpetration (among an alternate sample of households where male caregivers were surveyed). The program also showed significant increases in engaging fathers in childcare and select child development outcomes (Jensen et al. 2021 in BMJ Global Health).   Take away messages and future studies   Taken together, these studies suggest a similar pattern of impacts. Across all but one study (Colombia), where impacts are found on IPV—the similar direction of impacts are found for VAC. In Bangladesh, impacts are only observed with the addition of plus components. However, in Rwanda and the Philippines—the evaluation focuses exclusively on the plus intervention—thus we are unable to fully disentangle if there are synergistic or countervailing impacts of the economic component alone. In three cases (Bangladesh, the Philippines and Rwanda) the evaluation includes post-intervention effects, showing that reductions in both IPV and VAC are sustained even after the program ends. The lack of impacts for VAC in Colombia may be due to the use of administrative data on cases of violence reported to health and justice systems (which capture only a fraction of violence prevalence), or the identification strategy (relying on the timing of payments) may not be meaningful enough variation for impacts. In spite of differences in social protection strategies and methodologies used to measure impact, overall, these results show that social protection is a promising intervention and platform to reduce both violence against children and violence against women.   Moving forward, more studies are needed that explore the effectiveness of social protection on multiple dimensions of violence. In doing so, evaluations will need to take a more holistic approach to map out pathways of impact and measure violence. For example, to affect IPV, social protection evaluations often target and focus on women alone and seek to empower her and change her circumstances – however to fundamentally change violence inside the home and parenting practices tied to violent discipline, it is essential to involve and collect data from men as well. In addition, more evidence is needed on possible intergenerational effects – another key point of intersection between VAC and VAW — for example, linking benefits realized by adolescent girls in households receiving social protection benefits to stability and freedom from violence in future intimate relationships. From a methodological standpoint, this research agenda is ripe for inter-disciplinary collaboration between development economists who typically evaluate social protection programming, and public health experts on VAC and VAW.   Stay tuned for more work from UNICEF Innocenti and partners on the intersection of VAC and VAW, including systematic reviews (on effective interventions and shared risk factors) and results from Mozambique’s Child Grant evaluation measuring impacts on violent discipline and IPV.         Authors: Amber Peterman is a Research Associate Professor at UNC where she co-leads the Cash Transfer and Intimate Partner Violence Research Collaborative and consultant to UNICEF Innocenti, Alessandra Guedes is the Gender & Development Research Manager at UNICEF Innocenti.   The authors would like to thank Elena Camilletti and Zahrah Nesbitt-Ahmed for helpful comments.      

While the world may have been caught off guard by the size and ramifications of the COVID-19 crisis, it should be prepared to respond to the increased risks to the wellbeing and safety of children and women. Violence against children and violence against women are widespread globally and intrinsically linked, sharing common risk factors and similar adverse and severe consequences. The literature within pandemics may be limited, but we have enough evidence to say unequivocally that related factors—such as confinement, social isolation, increased levels of financial stress, and weak institutional responses—can increase or intensify levels of violence. Indeed, over the past month, reports have warned of the “perfect storm”, manifesting in increased calls to helplines, online support services, and police reports.Indeed, over the past month, reports have warned of the “perfect storm”, manifesting in increased calls to helplines, online support services, and police reports. Multinational organisations quickly took action, issuing statements warning of increased risk of both forms of violence, while researchers reviewed evidence from past crises, proposing policy actions to mitigate against potential harm to populations in situations of vulnerability. As governments ramp up response to COVID-19, what is actually being done to combat violence? 1. Expansion of helplines and information sharingInformation is being shared widely through guides, resources, and advocacy targeting friends and family members. Parenting for Lifelong Health has compiled evidence-supported guidance for safe parenting during quarantine. Helplines and online support platforms are being expanded or established. Italy, one of the countries hardest hit by the pandemic, is preventing “an emergency within an emergency” by advertising the 1522 helpline for violence and stalking. Numerous other countries are committing to keeping helplines and information channels open during and after the peak of COVID-19. 2. Funding shelters and other safe accommodation options for survivorsNumerous countries have acknowledged that additional safe housing is needed during times of quarantine. Safe accommodation allows survivors (and accompanying minors) to temporarily escape abusers. As part of its COVID-19 relief package, Canada has allocated $50 million to women’s shelters and sexual assault centres [March 18]. In France, a €1.1 million funding increase for anti-abuse organisations included 20,000 hotel nights for survivors to escape abusive partners [March 30]. In Trento (Italy), a prosecutor ruled that in situations of domestic violence the abuser must leave the family home rather than the victim [March 28]. Similar rulings have been given in Austria and Germany. Although a laudable decision, it makes guaranteeing the safety of survivors, who remain at home a challenge given that perpetrators know where to reach them and may have access to the home. Sixteen-year-old Julia attends online school from home while her parents telework during the Coronavirus outbreak in New York.3. Expansion of access to services for survivorsAs quarantine limits personal mobility and freedom of movement, some countries are finding ways to expand access to violence-related services. France has initiated ‘pop up’ centres in grocery stores, where women are likely to be already visiting [March 30]. In a number of countries (including France, Italy, and Spain), a specific 'code word' signals to pharmacies to contact the relevant authorities. Some countries have released or improved concealed apps through which women can seek services to avoid calling in close quarters with abusers (see Italy, UK, among others). Protection services for women and children must be considered “essential” and not locked down due to COVID-19.  4. Limiting risk factors associated with violenceSome countries are tackling the negative ways of coping with COVID-19 that may exacerbate the risk of violence. Greenland has banned alcohol sales in its capital Nuuk to reduce the risk of violence against children in the home [March 29]. South Africa has taken similar measures [26 March]. While alcohol abuse and problematic drinking is shown to be linked to more severe violent episodes, the relationship is complex and there is limited evidence of how alcohol-related policies affect violence. Other countries, however, have yet to take proactive steps to limit associated risks. Curtailing gun sales, for example, would limit access to fatal weapons at a time of heightened stress, potentially reducing the risk of female homicide and child deaths. Smart policy action can reduce risk of harm and facilitate positive outlets to reduce stress and promote mental health. 5. Modifications to family law and justice systemsAustralia has implemented a number of modifications to family law to allow the justice system to better respond to cases during quarantine [April 3]. First, they allow courts to impose electronic monitoring requirements for bail and conditionally suspend imprisonment orders. Second, they enable online filing of restraining orders. Third, they create a new offence, increased fine, and extended limitation period for restraining orders. As more countries experience extended periods of curtained justice services, further innovation and amendments are needed to ensure the protection of survivors in challenging situations. These actions are commendable, however many countries have still not committed resources to increase services. Initial policy responses are largely in high-income countries, which may reflect the reality that many resource-poor settings have limited budgets for addressing violence against children and violence against women even when there is no crisis. Where and how should resources be targeted? While reported cases and numbers from existing services give us a signal of what might be happening, they also give an imperfect picture. For example, in some settings, calls to domestic violence hotlines have decreased, possibly because survivors are in ear shot of perpetrators in quarantine and are unable to safely seek help. In others, demand for shelters has decreased, potentially because survivors are afraid of contracting COVID-19 within close quarters at shelters. In addition, some routine detection systems are closed, such as teachers or social workers. Already in the US, several states have reported reductions in child abuse and maltreatment, believed to be due to a reduction in detection, rather than occurrence. Further, increased time spent on phones and using computers to communicate in place of in-person interactions also poses additional avenues for perpetration of new forms of violence online, including sexual harassment, exploitation, and abuse. Mitigation efforts must address the diverse forms of violence connected with COVID-19. Actions taken must be continuously monitored to ensure they are having intended effects, and do not result in unintended harm. “For many women and girls, the threat looms largest where they should be safest. In their own homes.” As the UN Secretary-General urgently calls for peace in homes around the world, we hope that this non-exhaustive list of government responses will provide some inspiration for further action. When it comes to preventing and reducing violence and supporting survivors, everyone has a part to play, particularly in these unprecedented times.   Alessandra Guedes is the Gender & Development Research Manager at UNICEF Innocenti. Amber Peterman is a Social Policy Specialist with UNICEF Innocenti and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Dina Deligiorgis is Policy Specialist on ending violence against women at UN Women.

By Sarah Alheiwidi, Kath Ford, Nicola Jones, Shanaaz Mathews, Ramya Subrahmanian   Since the first week after marriage, a problem occurred between us. When I entered the room, I found [my husband] talking to a girl on his laptop. He told me, “Get out… I loved a girl for 15 years and will not forget her.” I asked him, “Why are you talking to women now? You are married now.” He did not allow me to finish talking, he beat me and told me very bad words, his body shook… I told his mother and she said, “This is normal.” I told my father and he said, “This is normal… all men talk on the phone with women and our customs and traditions do not allow divorce…”Adara, married at age 14 to her 29-year-old cousin, from JordanMillions of girls like Adara experience violence every day. Almost a decade ago, UNICEF raised global awareness of the fact that violence was the second leading cause of death of adolescent girls. Since then, evidence and advocacy have established clear targets as part of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to eliminate gender- and age-based violence, abuse, harmful practices and exploitation, most notably SDGs 5.1, 5.3 and 16.2.Thirty-three years ago on November 20, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child was signed. Having marked its anniversary last Sunday, it is important to take stock of the progress made in securing the rights of children and to spotlight the significant evidence generated regarding children and adolescents’ experiences of gender-based violence. Yet it is also imperative to acknowledge the ongoing progress that remains to be made in securing these rights.Gender dimensions of violence in adolescence Patterns of violence are different for men, women, girls, and boys, and are rooted in prevailing gender norms. While global homicide rates are higher for boys than girls, adolescent girls report higher levels of intimate partner violence (IPV) than boys. Existing at the intersection between “violence against children” and “violence against women”, adolescent girls often fall through the cracks, experiencing forms of violence common to both younger children (e.g. violent discipline) and adults (e.g. IPV).The World Health Organization estimates that almost 1 in 4 ever married / partnered adolescent girls ages 15-19 have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence from an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime. The COVID-19 pandemic further increased risk levels of violence against women and girls as a result of heightened household stress and disruptions in violence prevention. Increasing climate disasters and conflict, and related displacement, are exacerbating adolescent girls’ vulnerability.Violence and educationViolence affects adolescent girls’ ability to access education, including their personal security whilst travelling to and from school, as well as their social and academic performance at school. Experiencing emotional abuse in school, in the form of bullying and sexual harassment, can also have a major impact on the daily lives of children. Once past puberty, older girls often experience harassment from boys, particularly in countries where persistent discriminatory gender norms prevail.“We cannot study because we always worry about the boys’ threat. We are frightened always.” -          Haftey, young girl in rural Ethiopia describes the harassment she received on the way home from schoolLater, at age 17, Haftey described her relief at having moved closer to her school, “In the past, when I was in the village, children were beating us, waiting for us along the road to our school, but here thanks to God there is no one that beats me.”Violence against adolescent girls often starts much earlier in life, which has long term impacts. Early childhood exposure to IPV is associated with lower vocabulary and numeracy skills at ages 5 and 8 years. Similarly, teachers’ use of corporal punishment at age 8 is associated with lower maths test scores and a reduction in self-efficacy at age 12. Gender gaps in education outcomes typically widen through adolescence into early adulthood. Girls who drop out of school, especially in rural areas and poorer households, are much more at risk of early marriage than those who stay in education.Identifying and promoting effective solutionsThere has been rapid growth in research on effective prevention and response strategies, though the evidence base remains unevenly distributed across and within countries, with significant gaps in conflict-affected contexts. Promising intervention strategies need to be tested and adapted to a diversity of settings in which violence occurs. To ensure sustained change, broader measures to tackle discriminatory gender norms, poverty, and inequality are also critical.Well-designed and implemented parenting support programmes have proven to be effective at reducing violence within the home. The use of positive parenting techniques, warmth and greater consistency in parenting, as well as reduced parental depression and stress, have all been linked to lower levels of violence in the home and improved relationships between parents.Early adolescence is a unique window of opportunity for shifting harmful social norms and behaviours. Programmes such as Gender Equity Movement (GEMS) in India and PREPARE in South Africa have engaged young adolescents with a focus on building gender-sensitivity and enabling young people to critically reflect on prevailing gender and violence norms. These programmes recognised the importance of engaging teachers and schools to affect long-standing change in attitudes and behaviours within the community, such as reducing the use of corporal punishment.Multi-faceted and culturally relevant school-based interventions implemented over a long period of time have shown potential for sustained impact. It is critical to look beyond the home and the classroom and strive for broader community involvement. A few programmes such as Taaron Ki Toli in (India) and Makani (My Space) in Jordan are starting to engage religious and community leaders, parents, and community organizations among others, to shift community gender norms. The challenge is to identify the key elements within these programmes which make the difference and to scale them up.Social assistance programmes (e.g. cash transfers for education and school stipends) have also been found to play a key role in supporting adolescent girls’ education, particularly during the transition from primary to secondary schooling. An example is Zimbabwe’s Harmonised Social Cash Transfer plus initiative which combines unconditional cash for food-poor households with information about child violence prevention and access to social welfare services, which has had a positive effect on physical violence reduction for both girls and boys. ConclusionViolence is pervasive – experienced by adolescent girls in all its forms, and across all settings. Its effects are cumulative, disrupting not just their daily lives but also the realization of other rights, to education, to physical and mental health, and to safe transitions into adulthood.   While the effects of violence are devastating, they are preventable. Securing adolescent girls’ rights ensures freedom from violence by promoting bodily integrity for all. Breaking the cycle of violence against children and women requires evidence-based investments and strategies and interventions across sectors, communities, and societies, including at different levels of government, to specifically address the risks that adolescent girls face. Now is the time to accelerate our efforts and multiply our impact. ###About the authors: Sarah Alheiwidi is a qualitative researcher with Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) in Jordan and specialises on adolescent wellbeing, particularly child marriage. Kath Ford is the Senior Policy Officer at Young Lives, University of Oxford. The Young Lives (YL) longitudinal study has been following the lives of 12,000 young people in Ethiopia, India (in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana), Peru and Vietnam since 2002. Nicola Jones is a Principal Research Fellow at ODI and is the Director of the Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) longitudinal research study which is following the lives of 20,000 adolescents in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Jordan, Lebanon and Nepal from 2016 to 2026. Shanaaz Mathews is the Director of the Children’s Institute and professor in the Faculty of Health Sciences at University of Cape Town, South Africa and a founding member of the Coalition for Good Schools. Ramya Subrahmanian is Chief, Child Rights and Protection at UNICEF Innocenti – Global Office of Research and Foresight.  

UNICEF is proud to collaborate with the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI), including for the implementation of the SVRI Forum. The SVRI Forum is the largest global research conference on violence against women, and other forms of violence driven by gender inequality in low and middle-income countries. The conference provides a global space where delegates build knowledge, expand their network, collaborate, and share knowledge with key decision-makers in the field of violence against girls, boys and women.

On May 25th, 2022, the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office of the United Kingdom (FCDO), Wellspring Philanthropic Fund, the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI), and UNICEF, co-hosted a virtual partner roundtable discussion entitled: A Gender-Transformative, Life-Course Approach to Ending Violence Against Girls, Boys and Women. 

The second event in the 2021 Solutions Summit Series Together to #ENDviolence series aims to share evidence and foster discussion on intersections between violence against women and violence against children, highlighting synergies opportunities for greater collaboration and opportunities for moving towards implementation to build knowledge and translate it into policy and programs.  

14 September 2021 - This event aims to share information and advance understanding of the growing body of evidence on violence against children (VAC) prevention and response. The event will bring together researchers, practitioners and policymakers, providing a forum to reflect on the current state of the evidence, the role of evidence in driving action to end VAC, and the opportunities that lie ahead.

The Child Protection and Gender sections at NYHQ and the Office of Research – Innocenti organized an internal webinar on UNICEF’s Strategy Paper on the Gender Dimensions of Violence against Children and Adolescents in which over 200 UNICEF colleagues from regional and country levels participated. The webinar aimed to help participants learn more about the strategy paper and provided an opportunity to share ideas and recommendations for the implementation of priority actions in this area.

Parenting and caregiving programmes offer a promising pathway to improving gender inequality as well as preventing both intimate partner violence (IPV) and violence against children (VAC) in the home. In this webinar, we highlight key findings and recommendations from parenting programmes that apply a gender-transformative approach to address IPV and VAC together and reflect on how this evidence has been used to strengthen interventions.

Alessandra Guedes discusses the intersection between violence against women and children.

The UNICEF Office of Research-Innocenti launches the second webinar series of “Leading Minds Online What the Experts Say- Coronavirus and Children: Violence in the Home”.

Evidence on the points of intersection of the two forms of violence that follow parallel but distinct trajectories.

The UN Special Rapporteuron the sale and sexual exploitation of children, including child prostitution, child pornography and other child sexual abuse material, Ms Maud de Boer-Buquicchioin, partnership with the UNICEF Office of Research-Innocenti, held a two-day expert meeting in Florence, Italy.

Experts discuss and explore critical issues on building the evidence base for ending violence against children.